The arrival of the first two of an expected six foreign warships to Cork was marked by pickets mounted by Cork Anti-War Campaign (CAWC) and also by Republican Sinn Féin (RSF). The presence of the warships to 'celebrate' Cork 2005 reflects poorly on the organisers of the Capital of Culture. The protests were there to remind them and the visiting warships that not everyone here in this city is taken in by this hogwash.

Protests took place today in Cork at the presence of two floating killing machines in the city, on a so-called 'courtesy visit' to the city to 'celebrate' the Cork 2005 Capital of Culture scam. The warships in question were from Britain and Australia, the HMS Grafton and HMAS Anzac respectively. Pickets were mounted alongside both ships in a good-natured and non-confrontational manner. Protestors from the Cork Anti-War Campaign (joined by the redoubtable Tim Hourigan) picketed the Anzac, while protestors from Republican Sinn Fein picketed the Grafton, which had docked at the Custom House, presumably to frustrate any protestor who wished to get any closer.

A number of staff members were fired for various reasons. Some staff went without pay for up to 10 weeks. If the ex-staff members did receive P45s a number were duplicated, with different information. Some of these people suspect they were fired for asking two many questions.

Global Mobile Vision was incorporated in the UK in August 2004 and has had offices in Nangor road business park in Clondalkin since November 2004. The company is run by David Crownborn, his wife, Esther Crownborn, his brother, Matthew Crownborn and the latter’s wife Deborah King.

The company’s main contacts are with American Evangelist groups, staff said. It has recently being involved in contacts in the US with evangelist media organisations about collaborating in business ventures.

Up to last Wednesday, Global Mobile Vision employed between approx. 60 staff at its offices in Clondalkin, north Dublin. GMV supposedly develops software for audio and video streaming technologies for 3G phones. Yet, a search of Vodafone, O2, Hutchinson, and other 2G and 3G mobile operators turn up a big zero for any partnerships. A search for "Global Mobile Vision" and other related search terms shows up nothing. Zero. Nil. No inbound, or outbound links anywhere. Very strange for a "high technology company with valuable intellectual property". Its so "high technology" that no one know what they "do". One would be forgiven for classifying this as "snakeoil". Current and former staff said that they did almost no work at the company, they received few orders, no conrete work (other than "go search the Internet for a while"). One ex-staff member said "after one week, I eventually got a computer but it had no software. I had to use my own software - I told them I would use until I got me some official legal software but it never arrived."

This was commonplace.

John Bates, an employee who is currently suspended from work, was detained last Wednesday 8th June as he tried to leave the office. He was accused by management of stealing IP ('Intellectual Property') from the company. No evidence was given. He was surrounded by a large number of people (including staff from Crimeforce Ireland, a security guard company), and until the Gardaí were called, he was held against his will in the GMV offices. After the Gardaí advised GMV to either a) make an allegation, or b) let Mr. Bates go, Mr. Bates left the offices accompanied by Finian McGrath, TD (Independent) for North Dublin, the Gardaí, and a number of journalists. You can read the full details of Mr. Bates account here and here.

Mr. Bates believes the reason he was singled out was becuase he was organizing staff in getting their due pay, and finding out the problems in GMV.

Over almost 4 years of operation Indymedia Ireland have evolved a set of working practices and processes for keeping this site running and making it live up to its goals as best we can. Until now most of these operating rules have been hidden away among mountains of posts on the newswire, or even hidden inside the heads of individual editors. At our recent meeting we discussed the following documents which formalise how we work. We hope that they will make it easier for new people to get involved and understand how we work.

These documents are scheduled to be fully discussed, amended and agreed at our next meeting on June 29th. In the meantime, we offer them up to our users for any constructive criticisms that they might have. This is in keeping with our philosophy of facilitating as many voices and opinions as possible in all discussions about policy. The last major document that we agreed, our editorial guidelines were initally discussed on this newswire article and some of the suggested amendments were finally incorporated into our current document.

We are on the verge of updating our software to the new Oscailt 3.0 version which should give us the technical capability of expanding indymedia Ireland in a number of new areas. We hope that local collectives can start in areas around the country, with their own newswires on the site. We also hope to provide space to new types of material. Although we might be technically capable of all these things, we are in need of as many people with ideas and enthusiasm as ever.

So why not think about getting involved in some of the work of indymedia Ireland? At this stage, you need almost no technical skills to provide useful assistance in running the site and if computers aren't your thing, there are a huge number of other ways in which you can help out in making Indymedia Ireland a real voice of the people. We have nothing to lose but our mental chains.

UPDATE: Thursday, Jun 9 2005: Locals Force Shell's Trucks to Back Down
excerpt A local resident was driving up a road, with no traffic mangement, at around 5.30pm today, and was obstructed by two large trucks carrying pipes to the Shell compound at Rossport. The resident was then told to reverse and make way for the trucks as the narrow roads cannot accomadate such traffic. He refused and was soon joined by 15 supporters.....read the full report (with photos)

Judge - Just because I thought it was right to give an injunction against the landowners doesn't mean I was right. A hearing will determine that.
Philbin - I want the Minister for the Marine for 2002 in court to testify whether he signed the original order or not.
Judge - You can do that at a hearing - not today.
Philbin - The plaintiff argued in seeking the injunction that the Facility was in the national interest. The government has thus facilitated a private company from getting a Compulsory Acquisition order for the company's own private gain. The Irish State will be buying this gas back from Shell at top dollar. How can this be in the national interest?
Judge - It might not be in the national interest. If they are wrong compensation will be paid. Isn't that what compensates everyone?
Philbin - Money can't fix safety.

Not so long ago on Indymedia Ireland - Maura Harrington, a local campaigner implored people to come down to the solidarity gathering in Rossport against the construction of a Shell pipeline through the area. She said that “once you see the area you will agree with us that it is not the place for a gas refinery and an unprecedented high pressure up stream pipeline." How right she was. Last weekend over two hundred people travelled to the back arse of Mayo to take part in a Reclaim The Beach celebration of resistance to Shell in the area and to attend workshops on Shell’s brutality in Nigeria, engage in walking tours of the area led by local campaigners and enter into a dialogue on how best to advance the campaign. (Reclaim the Beach Photo-Essay)

Continue reading at the 'Feature Continues" link below for an account of the recent High Court hearing on the Shell pipeline and an Indymedia interview with a couple of the local farmers who are campaigning against Shell's Plans.

On Saturday 11th June a Parade will take place in Dublin to protest the imminent introduction of a form of anti-social behavior order to Ireland. Rory Hearne who is involved in the campaign against the introduction of ASBOs here submitted this guide to what is at issue to Indymedia Ireland.

The controversial Anti-Social Behaviour Orders (ASBOs) and other amendments to the Criminal Justice Bill 2004 are due to go to the Cabinet for approval on June 7th and then through the Dail pretty soon afterwards.

The Irish Council for Civil Liberties (ICCL) recently highlighted why we should be concerned: “The ICCL is concerned that in the Criminal Justice Bill 2004, that there is a strong tendency to see solutions to crime in terms of increase of policing powers, creation of new offences…without the necessary evaluation of how powers are used…it is all too easy to advance “quick-fix” populist answers to crime, which lack any evidence base as to their effectiveness and in fact in time will contribute to an unjust system.”

ASBOs if introduced here could see a situation whereby normal activity becomes criminalised. Just look at some examples of ASBOS in Britain: A 13 year old was banned from using the word ‘grass’ , a 16 year old was banned from showing his tattoos, a profoundly deaf girl was served an order for spitting in public, an 87 year old was forbidden from being sarcastic to his neighbours, a football fan was banned from playing ball games in the street, a 17 year old was ordered not to enter or leave his home except by a back alley, a 21 year old was banned from wearing a woolly hat, baseball cap or hooded top, and an 18 year old was ordered not to meet with three or more other youths. He was later arrested for breaching this order because he entered a local youth club. (see www.nyci.ie)

There are several excellent programmes in Ireland which seek to deal with the underlying causes of anti-social behaviour but all are grossly underfunded and unable to achieve their potential. ASBOs, by seeking to punish and control such behaviour, will only increase the alienation of these young people and immerse them further into the criminal justice scene, for behaviour which in itself will not be criminal. It is a superficial response to a serious problem, a response which, although politically popular, is likely to make the problem worse, not better.