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Jump To Comment: 1 2 3 4 5 6" the Irish Labour Party, which still had a small political organisation north of the border, a remnant of its establishment in 1912, instructed all its members to join the new SDLP."
For more of this New Labour treachery, see extract from the Twenty First Century Commission report at:
http://southbelfastdiary.blogspot.com/2008/11/close-doo....html
More analysis of the Northern aspect of the Commission here:
Examiner Letters, Thursday, December 04, 2008
Party leaders’ selective condemnation of terror
LABOUR party leader Eamon Gilmore played the anti-terrorism card in his party leader’s address to the Labour conference last Saturday.
He expressed sympathy with the victims of the Mumbai attacks in which almost 200 people were killed. There is nothing wrong with that in itself, but his remarks came immediately after his attempt to bring the Labour party back in line with his support for the Lisbon Treaty.
What is wrong is that Gilmore and many other politicians consistently ignore far greater examples of terrorism that happen to be state terrorism. Why is it that 200 people in India, or 3,000 people in the USA, appear to be more important than one million people killed in Iraq due to state terrorism by the US and its allies, or 200,000 people killed in the Darfur genocide by the Sudanese government and its allies?
John Gormley, at his Green party convention, adopted a different but equally flawed strategy. He publicly insulted the Chinese ambassador, representing the most populous state in the world, over the issue of Chinese human rights abuses, but pointedly ignored the US-led wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and the US torture rendition programme, all being facilitated at Shannon airport by the Irish Government of which he is senior minister.
Gormley, Gilmore and most Irish politicians have virtually nothing to say on the greatest tragedy that has occurred since the end of the Cold War, the conflict in the Congo that has claimed up to five million lives so far and is still ongoing.
Being vocally against terrorism perpetrated by small groups and individuals, but being silent on much more serious terrorism perpetrated by states, indicates a western self-interest that takes precedence over genuine humanitarian concerns to the extent that it amounts to an insidious form of racism.
Why is it that Iraqi and Congolese people are not important enough to warrant sympathy?
Edward Horgan
Castletroy
Co Limerick
Labour Conference is Riven by Conflict as Unions Block Change
By Luke Byrne, Irish Mail on Sunday, 30/11/08.
It should have been about unity and a new start but the Labour Party conference was instead plagued by internal disputes yesterday.
Leader Eamon Gilmore wanted to launch a blueprint for party reform modelled on the ‘New Labour’ success of Tony Blair in Britain – but met resistance from powerful hard-line unions.
There was further rebellion at the conference in Hotel Kilkenny yesterday when SIPTU President Jack O’Connor called for Labour to ditch Fine Gael, its 2007 general election partner. Mr O’Connor criticised Fine Gael’s ‘neo-liberal’ policies and, in an impassioned speech, said a vote for Fine Gael would be ‘political suicide’.
It was the fallout from the Lisbon Treaty referendum that provoked the most heated debate. Senior party figures were bombarded with questions and criticism from grassroots members over the party’s support for the treaty.
TD Joe Costello and MEP Proinsias de Rossa faced tough questioning during a discussion on the future of Europe. The small room was so full that at one point Mr Gilmore couldn’t get in.
One member said: ‘It seems inevitable now that the Lisbon referendum will be rerun. It makes me wonder if what Declan Ganley has said about democracy and accountability is true. I voted No and I’m glad to say I voted No.’
Another member said: ‘I do not want a situation where we are sharing foreign policy with ex-imperial states’, which was greeted with shouts of ‘hear, hear’.
Responding to questions about a possible rerun, Mr de Rossa said: ‘That is how democracy works. If every time somebody who ran for a election and lost was unable to do so again, what state would we be in?’
Mr Gilmore delivered the closing speech last night.
He said: ‘The key to getting out of this crisis is not how much the Government can cut but what it can create. That is why Labour alone among all the political parties wants a stimulus plan for the Irish economy. That is what the Labour government is doing in Britain, what the European Commission has called for, what president-elect Obama intends to do in the US. That is what we need to do here.’
Mr Gilmore also hinted that if they got into government, Labour would buy back Eircom.
[END OF MAIL ARTICLE]
Re Mr de Rossa's interpretation of democracy:
So if Lisbon is re-run and scrapes through, what's the betting that de Rossa will be demanding that the issue will be put to a new referendum later on, to see if the electorate still want it? Maybe de Rossa believes that when a candidate gets a seat after initial rejection, that he will never have to face the electorate again, and that he should be allowed to remain in office for the rest of his life?
Pat Rabbitte, Belfast, October 18 2004:
“Today's event is to publicly launch the Northern Ireland Labour Forum. Ten years ago, at the time of the first ceasefires, Dick Spring - the Labour Party leader of the time - located Labour as occupying political ground as a "third strand" of political life, neither Unionist, nor Nationalist.
"It is our fervent hope that the modest beginning we see today in launching the Labour Forum, will grow to occupy the ground of a third strand, the ground of the radical dissenting tradition, the ground of Thomas Russell and those since who have maintained that tradition.”
http://www.labour.ie/northernireland/rspeech.html
Below is a leaflet distributed at the Kilkenny conference:
The 21st Century Commission
NORTHERN IRELAND
The 21st Century Commission’s conclusions about Northern Ireland (Section 8) are based on a fundamental misunderstanding of the terms of the Good Friday Agreement.
Contrary to what its report says, the Labour Party would NOT have to designate itself as either Unionist or Nationalist in order to organise and contest elections in Northern Ireland.
Organisation in Northern Ireland doesn’t require designation at all, and neither does contesting Local Government elections. Designation would only become an issue for the Party if it were to contest elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly – since members elected to the Assembly have to designate themselves as either Unionist, Nationalist or Other, before taking their seats. This is a requirement of Clause 6 of Stand One of the Good Friday Agreement, which states:
“At their first meeting, members of the Assembly will register a designation of identity – nationalist, unionist or other – for the purposes of measuring cross-community support in Assembly votes under the relevant provisions above.”
It goes without saying that, if the Party were to stand in Assembly elections, it would opt for the Other designation, as Alliance and Green Party members of the Assembly do at the moment, and which would offer the best chance of the Party making an appeal across the traditional divide.
Unfortunately, the 21st Century Commission doesn’t seem to be aware of the existence of the Other designation. Its report states:
“... we are not at all convinced that parties based in either Dublin or London have any real or significant contribution to make to Northern Ireland politics by organising there – and adopting one or other of those labels for the purpose.
“Effectively, this would require Labour to opt for adherence to – and seek votes exclusively from – just one of the two traditions, …”
Given the existence of the Other designation, that passage is simply untrue. The Good Friday Agreement would NOT “require Labour to opt for adherence to – and seek votes exclusively from – just one of the two traditions”.
Labour Party members in Northern Ireland are drawn from both traditions. We are utterly opposed to the Party seeking votes exclusively from just one of the two traditions and we wouldn’t remain members if it did. Happily, the Good Friday Agreement doesn’t require the Party to do so, if it were to put up candidates in either Local Government or Assembly elections.
STRENGTHENING LINKS WITH THE SDLP
THE COMMISSION RECOMMENDS “the strengthening of links” between the Labour Party and the SDLP, rather than the Party organising and contesting elections in Northern Ireland in its own right.
Remember, the SDLP has always chosen to designate itself as Nationalist in the Assembly and to opt “for adherence to – and seek votes exclusively from – just one of the two traditions”, in the words of the Commission.
Under the Good Friday Agreement, it has always been open to the SDLP to designate itself as Other, and attempt to appeal across the traditional divide. It has never done so. Were it to do so, it would obviously risk losing a significant section of its vote to Sinn Fein – and it’s therefore unlikely that it will ever do so.
If the Labour Party were to stand for elections in Northern Ireland, it would seek to appeal across the traditional divide. To that end, in Assembly elections the Labour Party would obviously designate itself as Other and, by so doing, avoid giving the appearance of appealing to just one tradition.
ARE WE TO BE INSTRUCTED TO JOIN THE SDLP?
A FINAL POINT: the report poses the question “should the Labour Party follow Fianna Fail and consider organising in the North”.
We find it difficult to believe that the Commission is NOT aware that the Labour Party is already organised in Northern Ireland, and has been since 2004, when Pat Rabbitte launched the Northern Ireland Labour Forum (NILF) in Belfast. We proposed to the Labour Party conference last November that the Party contest Local Government elections in Northern Ireland. In response, the NEC set up “a special commission, representative of the NILF, the PLP and the NEC” to explore the issue, amongst others. Two Party members from Northern Ireland sit on the special commission, which has yet to report.
The 21st Century Commission has now apparently usurped the role of the special commission and concluded, on the basis of an imperfect knowledge of the Good Friday Agreement, that the Party should have no organisation in Northern Ireland, as the Party did in 1970 at the time of the SDLP’s foundation. It follows logically from this that the existing organisation of the Party in Northern Ireland should be disbanded.
In 1970, as the Commission’s report reminds us, the Party “instructed all its members to join the new SDLP”. Is that the Commission’s recommendation in 2008? Are we going to be told to join a party which, in the words of the Commission, has chosen to opt “for adherence to – and seek votes exclusively from – just one of the two traditions”.