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Victor Rios on Venezuela
Victor Rios is a veteran of the Catalan and Spanish communist movement. He was also a leader of Izquierda Unida (United Left). He is a prominent left wing intellectual, a lecturer at Barcelona University and is presently an advisor to President Chavez in Caracas. Victor Rios on Venezuela
“Thanks for the invitation to share this time with you. I’d like to give Alan Woods a personal thankyou – we are friends. It has been very good for me to find each other again in Venezuela – both defending the same fundamental ideas and positions as regards the revolution in Venezuela and Latin America in general.
“This is not a coincidence. When one shares a living, critical, open, un-dogmatic, without catechisms, and principled Marxism, it is easy to understand one another. I believe that the tendency you represent shows the kind of Marxism we need – a compass to intervene in the revolutionary process. In Venezuela we have a revolutionary process, and I’d like to make a recognition of the work your comrades are doing in Venezuela (Venezuelans and non-Venezuelans) – important work in this complex situation.
“I agree with you all that there is a revolution unfolding in Venezuela. I mention this because there are many out there who are lost because what is happening doesn’t fit into their pre-conceived notions of what a revolution looks like. I agree with the analysis presented in El Militante about the revolution, so I won’t go into that as you can read it yourself. So what can I offer? Not much more! But I want to warn you about 2 contradictions/paradoxes that are developing and will be present at least until December of 2006.
The international front: the more the Bolivarian revolution consolidates itself in Latin America, and the more US imperialism fails to isolate Venezuela, the greater the risk of direct intervention – a paradox – the more successful it is, the more dangerous the situation becomes.
The deeper the revolution develops and is consolidated within Venezuela itself, the greater the consolidation, the greater the resistance form within Venezuela becomes, not just from the bosses, the media and the oligarchs, but from those who want “Chavismo without Chavez”.
“Here’s my hypothesis on this: from here to December 2006, US imperialism will try by any means possible to liquidate the revolution before Chavez is re-elected in that month, by all means necessary – but above all by relying on internal forces. Why is this? For four main reasons. It’s clear that if Chavez lives to December 2006, he’ll win overwhelmingly, despite a high level of abstention in the next August’s [2005] regional/district elections and general Congressional elections in December (although the pro-Chavez parties will win comfortably).
“This will mean:
A) The re-legitimisation of Chavez’ democratic credentials without fraud – he can win easily - and this would mean a further six years of his rule, which would make it hard to characterize him as anti-democratic;
B) The consolidation of the social missions for six more years;
C) The strengthening of OPEC and the maintenance of fair/high oil prices for six more years;
D) The contagiousness of the revolutionary process with a socialist content.
“This is why they can’t allow it to get to this point. Therefore we must be alert. We must strengthen the process within Venezuela, and build a strong international solidarity campaign like your tendency is doing with HOV.
“This solidarity must not be acritical: the best support international revolutionary Marxists can offer is a contribution in the debate of ideas: on the question of what kind of socialism, revolution, Marxism we need. The debate over what kind of socialism we want includes a practical discussion – not just on ideas. This is a debate that is going on openly in Venezuela. There is the practical struggle against bureaucracy and corruption. This corruption and bureaucratism can destroy the revolutionary process.
“The debate over the role of the working class isn’t a debate over whether or not the class struggle exists or not, it’s a practical question of how we organise the struggle of the working class – how is workers’ co-management, or control, to be implemented.
“A debate on the role of the trade unions – what kinds of trade unionism do we want? What role for the co-operatives (8,000 of them, not all working correctly) and the informal sector of the economy (which represents 50% of the overall economy)? How do we build revolutionary trade unions in this situation? Your comrades, like Luis Primo, a personal friend of mine and an important trade unionist, are participating in this important debate and discussion.
“Another debate taking place is over the political leadership of the process. On the one hand we have Chavez, whose role is huge – this cannot be disputed – but this weighty role has advantages and disadvantages, as all revolutionary Marxists know from history.
“Then there are the parliamentary parties that support the Chavez government (the block for change) made up of various parties – they are important support, but not the most important. A revolutionary class struggle tendency is the key to ensuring the deepening of the process, working shoulder to shoulder with the masses.
“The masses of Venezuela are the protagonists of this process – the process is wide open, the workers are everyday clearer on the leading role they must play in the process, and the future of the revolution needs the participation of all revolutionary sectors – this is why it is important that organizations like yours participate in this process.
“Here are some of my suggestions. Your tendency has an excellent analysis of the situation in Venezuela and Latin America. As a group, you are playing an important role - good balance of reason and passion. But we need the individual role too – I invite you to come to Venezuela to help the revolution – send your comrades to get personally involved, to breath new life into the process, learn, enjoy from the experience. Socialism is possible – we can change the world and we will show that in Venezuela!”
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